Abortion

Most common reasons for seeking an abortion

Financial circumstances were the most frequently mentioned reason in this US study, cited by 40% of respondents. Not being ready at that point in life followed at 36%, while 31% raised partner-related concerns. These responses suggest that decisions often involved several connected pressures, including income, relationship stability and the timing of parenthood. Almost three in ten participants also wanted to concentrate on children they already had, making existing family responsibilities a prominent part of the picture.

Future opportunities, such as education and employment, were mentioned by one fifth of respondents. Emotional readiness, health concerns and hopes of providing a better life for a child also featured. The findings describe a broad range of circumstances rather than one universal explanation. Financial pressures were important, but they often sat alongside concerns about caring responsibilities, personal readiness and relationships. Most respondents gave more than one reason, reflecting the complexity of the decisions described in their interviews.

Sources: Biggs, Gould and Foster: Understanding why women seek abortions in the US (2013).

954 respondents at 30 US facilities, interviewed in 2008–2010. These are historical study findings, not a current national or worldwide survey. Multiple responses were allowed; percentages do not sum to 100. Published whole-percentage values are used.

Countries with the highest estimated abortion rates, 2015–2019

Georgia had the highest central estimate among the countries covered, at about 80 abortions per 1,000 women aged fifteen to forty-nine each year. Azerbaijan followed at 72, ahead of Vietnam at 64. Madagascar and Guinea-Bissau also had high estimates, at 60 and 59 respectively. This corrects the original ranking, which placed Vietnam first while omitting the two Caucasus countries. The leading countries span different regions rather than belonging to one geographical group.

Cuba followed at 55, with Cabo Verde and China at approximately 49. Trinidad and Tobago and India each had rounded estimates of 48. Such differences relate to the frequency of unintended pregnancy and the proportion of those pregnancies ending in abortion, alongside contraception and fertility preferences. A high rate does not by itself establish greater cultural acceptance or better access to safe care. The sizeable uncertainty surrounding several estimates also means that close differences between countries should not be treated as firm distinctions.

Sources: Bearak and colleagues: country-specific estimates (2022); Guttmacher Institute: country comparisons.

Annual-average model estimates for 2015–2019, the latest harmonised country comparison verified for this update. Rates use women aged 15–49 throughout. Ranking is selected using unrounded central estimates, displayed as whole numbers; uncertainty intervals can overlap and do not establish exact country ordering.

World map of estimated abortion rates, 2015–2019

Annual averages for 2015–2019. Darker blue indicates higher estimated incidence. Grey means no comparable estimate. Some small countries are not visible at this map scale; the accessible table lists every included estimate.

Abortion rates vary across the world, reflecting differences in unintended pregnancy, contraception, fertility preferences and access to services. Several countries in the ranking have much higher estimated rates than those in Western and Northern Europe. However, the pattern is not a simple division between wealthy and poorer countries: substantial variation exists within regions, and countries with similar incomes can have very different experiences.

Europe illustrates this diversity. The United Kingdom’s estimated rate was around thirteen per 1,000 women, compared with six in Germany and approximately forty-six in Russia. China and India both had estimates close to fifty, while Vietnam was higher. These contrasts show why regional averages can hide national differences. The broader public-health picture also includes whether people can avoid pregnancies they do not want and obtain appropriate care when needed. Countries with similar abortion rates can differ greatly in the conditions under which abortions take place, so incidence alone does not capture the quality or availability of services.

Sources: Bearak and colleagues: country-specific estimates and supplementary tables; Guttmacher Institute: interpretation of country estimates.

Model estimates, not a count of legal procedures. All countries share the 2015–2019 period and age range. Unavailable estimates are grey, not zero. The underlying country CSV includes uncertainty intervals.

Estimated annual abortion numbers by country, 2015–2019

India and China dominate the comparison in absolute numbers, with approximately seventeen million abortions each year in these derived estimates. Their large populations are central to this result: even a moderate difference in the rate translates into a substantial number of procedures when hundreds of millions of women are included. Pakistan follows at about 2.3 million, while Brazil and Indonesia are each around 1.8 million. The gap between the two largest countries and the remaining entries is particularly striking.

Vietnam, Bangladesh and Russia each account for roughly 1.6 million annually, followed by Nigeria at around 1.5 million and Mexico at about one million. Absolute numbers and rates tell different parts of the story. Smaller countries can have high rates without appearing among the largest totals, while populous countries can contribute many abortions without leading the rate ranking. The nearly equal figures for India and China should be understood as similar scale, rather than evidence of a meaningful difference between them.

Sources: Bearak and colleagues: country abortion rates, supplementary Table A5; World Bank / UN: female population; World Bank / UN: female population by five-year age group.

Approximate counts derived here: the unrounded model abortion rate multiplied by the mean female population aged 15–49 in 2015–2019, divided by 1,000; rounded to 10,000. Population estimates use the World Bank’s July 2026 revision. These are not the model’s original published count estimates. Ranking covers countries with comparable rates and complete population data; missing countries are not assumed to have zero abortions.

US abortions by race and ethnicity: historical estimates, 1989–2017

The historical series records a substantial fall in abortions among non-Hispanic white women, from about 828,000 in 1989 to 280,000 in 2017. The estimated number among non-Hispanic Black women also declined, from 495,000 to 295,000. By the end of the period the two groups had similar totals, a marked change from the much larger difference at the beginning. These shifts formed part of the broader decline in US abortion incidence before its more recent increase.

The Hispanic series followed a different path, increasing during the 1990s and reaching approximately 277,000 in 2006 and 2008 before falling to 195,000 in 2017. The other category remained comparatively steady. These are numbers of abortions, so changing population sizes and age structures affect the comparison alongside changing incidence. They should not be treated as evidence that ethnicity itself causes particular decisions. Current official reporting also shows differing group shares, but its incomplete geographical coverage prevents a straightforward extension of these historical national estimates.

Latest official comparison: CDC race and ethnicity reporting, 2022 (32 reporting areas).

Sources: Johnston’s Archive: historical reconstruction and underlying references; CDC: latest published race and ethnicity reporting, 2022; Guttmacher Institute: national abortion trends.

The original 1989–2017 series is retained as a clearly labelled historical reconstruction, not an official national race count. Johnston estimates unreported race data and rounds the totals. CDC’s 2022 figures below cover 32 reporting areas and must not be spliced onto this national series.

US abortion rates in recent years, 2020–2025

The US abortion rate rose from 14.4 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 in 2020 to 15.9 in 2023, reaching 16.7 in both 2024 and 2025. This recent increase contrasts with the long decline seen in earlier decades. Guttmacher estimated roughly 1.13 million clinician-provided abortions in 2025, showing that national incidence remained substantial even as access changed sharply across states following the Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs decision.

The stable national rate between 2024 and 2025 conceals changes in how people obtained care. Telehealth and cross-state provision played an increasingly important role, while restrictions created substantial differences in local access. A national total therefore cannot describe the experience of every state or patient. Nor does a steady rate mean that services, travel requirements or costs stayed the same. The recent figures indicate continuing demand alongside a changing pattern of provision, rather than a return to the lower incidence recorded in 2020.

Sources: Guttmacher Institute: induced abortion in the United States; Guttmacher Institute: full-year 2025 estimates.

Selected available years, not a complete annual sequence. Rates are Guttmacher’s estimates of clinician-provided abortions, including qualifying telehealth provision. Self-managed abortions outside that scope are not fully counted. 2025 is the latest complete calendar year.

When abortions occurred in the US, 2022

Most abortions in the CDC’s 2022 reporting areas occurred early in pregnancy. About four in ten took place at six weeks or earlier, and another 38.4% between seven and nine weeks. Together, these groups accounted for 78.6% of abortions with a reported gestational age. Including those at ten to thirteen weeks brings the first-trimester share to 92.8%, leaving a much smaller proportion later in pregnancy.

Abortions at fourteen to twenty weeks accounted for 6.1%, while 1.1% occurred at twenty-one weeks or later. This distribution gives important context to public discussion, which often concentrates on later procedures despite their small share of recorded abortions. The figures do not identify the circumstances behind each case, such as delayed recognition of pregnancy, difficulties obtaining care or health-related concerns. Nevertheless, the predominance of early abortions is clear: the largest numerical changes in provision affect care during the first several weeks of pregnancy.

Sources: CDC: Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2022, Table 10.

Figures cover 41 reporting areas with adequate gestational-age information, not the entire United States. Percentages use abortions with known gestational age. The latest full CDC surveillance report verified for this update covers 2022.

Age groups obtaining abortions in the US, 2022

Women in their twenties accounted for the largest share of abortions reported to the CDC in 2022. Those aged twenty to twenty-four represented 28.3%, almost identical to the 28.2% among those aged twenty-five to twenty-nine. Together these groups made up 56.5% of abortions with a known age. Women aged thirty to thirty-four contributed a further 20.6%, demonstrating that abortion was also common well beyond the youngest adult age groups.

Teenagers aged fifteen to nineteen accounted for 8.3%, while those under fifteen represented 0.2%. At the other end of the age range, 10.7% involved women aged thirty-five to thirty-nine and 3.6% those aged forty or older. The concentration in the twenties helps correct the impression that abortion primarily concerns teenagers. Numbers reflect the size of each age group as well as its pregnancy and abortion rates, but the distribution clearly places young adulthood, rather than adolescence, at the centre of recorded demand.

Sources: CDC: Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2022, Table 3.

48 reporting areas with adequate age information; percentages exclude unknown age and sum to 99.9% because of rounding. Group shares are not age-specific abortion rates.

Medical and surgical abortion in England and Wales, 2013 and 2023

Medical abortion became the dominant method in England and Wales over this decade, increasing from 49% of abortions in 2013 to 87% in 2023. Surgical procedures consequently fell from just over half to approximately one eighth of the total. The change reflects a substantial transformation in how abortion services were provided, with medication accounting for the large majority of procedures by the end of the period.

The shift was not simply a consequence of a larger total number of abortions. Official statistics record 35,765 surgical abortions in 2023, compared with 94,573 in 2013, showing an absolute decline as well as a smaller share. Home-based care also became important: in 2023, 72% of all abortions involved both medicines being taken at home. Alongside the predominance of procedures early in pregnancy, these changes show how the setting and method of care evolved. They describe service provision, without implying that every patient’s circumstances or available choices were the same.

Sources: Department of Health and Social Care: England and Wales abortion statistics, 2023.

Resident abortions in England and Wales; Scotland and Northern Ireland are excluded. Shares are published rounded percentages. The 2023 statistics were released in January 2026 and are the latest complete official annual release verified for this update.

US patients travelling to another state for abortion care, 2023–2025

An estimated 142,000 patients travelled to another US state for abortion care in 2025, down from 154,000 in 2024 and 170,000 in 2023. The reduction was about 16% across the two years, yet the remaining total shows that crossing state boundaries continued to be a significant part of access. For patients facing local restrictions or limited availability, obtaining care could involve transport, accommodation, time away from work and arrangements for existing children.

The decline in travel coincided with increased telehealth provision, including medication supplied across state lines under shield-law protections. Some care that previously required a journey could therefore be obtained without attending an out-of-state clinic. That change helps explain why falling travel numbers did not coincide with a comparable fall in the national abortion total. Travel and telehealth are different responses to an uneven geography of services: the overall number of abortions can remain stable while the practical route to care changes considerably.

Sources: Guttmacher Institute: 2023–2025 incidence, travel and telehealth estimates.

Rounded Guttmacher estimates of travel to another state for in-person care. They do not count every cross-state telehealth patient as a traveller. Changes cannot be attributed solely to telehealth from these totals alone.